方恩格專欄》賴清德的雜質說是失言還是真心話？
民進黨全代會28日登場，以，黨主席賴清德總統與同黨執政縣市首長一同高喊「更好的民主，更好的臺灣」。（姚志平攝）
最近在社交媒體上，有網友問我「方律師，賴清德總統的雜質說是失言還是真心話？」
如同在臺灣關心政治的人所知，賴總統在6月24日於桃園發表的演講中提到：「透過一次次選舉、罷免，像打鐵、鑄劍般千錘百煉，打掉雜質，淬鍊出捍衛主權、守護民主的意志。」
賴總統的這番爭議性言論出現在未來幾周將要發表的十場演講中的第二場，10場主軸分別爲：國家、團結、憲政體制、國防、外交、兩岸、民主、和平、繁榮、均衡臺灣。有趣的是，總統府網站的新聞稿對賴總統的第二場演講進行了摘要，但有關打掉雜質的爭議性言論卻被刪除了。
總統府否認賴總統使用「雜質」一詞是指向反對黨，並指出賴總統在公開演講中曾多次提到劍的比喻，包括在2019年於美國的演講中。只有賴總統自己知道「雜質」是否是指反對黨，以及他所說的是否真的是他對反對黨的真實感受。然而，在分析賴總統的十場演講時，有幾件事情需要注意。
一、臺灣的總統本質上是有黨派性的。在許多國家，當選的總統僅僅是一個儀式性的角色，而在一些國家如新加坡，總統候選人並不以政黨提名人的身分參選。然而，在臺灣，總統作爲政黨提名人蔘選，這使得總統成爲一個非常黨性的職位。事實上，在臺灣的民主時代，總統通常是其政黨的主席，至少在選舉結果不佳後辭職之前，如陳水扁在2004年、馬英九在2014年，以及蔡英文在2018年和2022年。
此外，總統、總統府和行政院與立法院之間的關係相當緊張，兩個在野黨─中國國民黨和臺灣民衆黨，擁有多數席次。這兩個在野黨利用其多數席次阻擋了賴政府的許多施政主張。當然，賴總統不喜歡這種情況，並不時在公開演講中批評在野黨。
二、賴總統也是賴主席。作爲民進黨主席，賴主席有責任鼓勵支持者在即將到來的罷免選舉中投贊成票。作爲民進黨主席，賴主席至少與罷免徐巧芯的領銜人曹興誠會面過一次。事實上，在6月26日，曹興誠舉行了一場新聞發佈會，呼籲賴總統在罷免選舉中採取更積極的作爲。
現實是，賴有責任帶領民進黨在國家和地方選舉中獲勝，包括即將到來的罷免選舉。因此，賴總統所發表的任何演講都必須被視爲偏袒執政黨的演講，包括對在野黨的批評。
賴總統的前任蔡英文在她的兩屆總統任期內，享有民進黨在立法院的多數。然而，在2024年1月的選舉中，賴總統僅以40.05％的選票當選，民進黨在立法院失去了10個席次，無法給賴總統提供多數支持。罷免是賴改變這種情況的機會。然而，根據民進黨在2024年1月選舉中的不佳表現，賴總統知道他必須努力在7月26日的罷免投票和隨後的補選中取得勝利。
三、賴總統的十場演講的時機。6月20日，中選會宣佈24名國民黨立法委員將於7月26日舉行罷免投票。賴總統於6月22日開始他的演講巡迴。有人相信賴總統的十場演講在罷免投票前的幾周內進行，只是巧合嗎？
如果賴總統的十場演講與即將到來的罷免投票完全無關，爲什麼賴總統不在今年早些時候發表演講，或等到7月26日的罷免投票後再發表？這個問題並不是要批評賴總統，而是想重申賴總統的十場演講必須被視爲他對罷免的支持。
四、對於在野黨拒絕國家安全簡報的失望。6月13日，總統府邀請民衆黨主席黃國昌和國民黨主席朱立倫參加定於6月18日的國家安全簡報。然而，在6月17日，黃國昌宣佈他不會出席，幾小時後朱立倫也發表了類似的聲明。賴總統對於兩位拒絕橄欖枝的在野黨主席感到憤怒是可以理解的。鑑於提議的簡報主題是國家安全，賴總統將「雜質」一詞與有關主權和保護臺灣民主的評論聯繫起來也就不足爲奇了。
五、外國人的訊息。民衆也應該記住，當賴總統批評在野黨時，無論是國民黨還是民衆黨，部分動機是向外國傳達只有民進黨能夠捍衛臺灣的民主與自由。無論目標受衆是外國媒體、智庫的外國學者（其中一些接受臺灣政府的資助），還是外國國會議員，如美國國會，賴總統想要將反對黨描繪成負面形象是可以理解的。無論是純粹的內政問題，還是與中國大陸的關係，或是臺灣的國防，賴總統都有高度動機告知外國人，臺灣的在野黨不可信。這還必須透過臺灣的兩個在野黨來反駁這一信息。
筆者希望，如果選民不喜歡他們的立法委員，那麼他們會在2028年1月的下一次立法委員選舉中投票反對該立法委員。罷免是破壞性的，成本高昂，並且在2025年期間分裂了臺灣社會。然而，賴總統（主席）似乎站在有利位置，國民黨正試圖保住立法委員的24個席位。賴總統說7月是「國家團結月」，也許在罷免結束後，賴總統應考慮如何成爲一個和解者，甚至成爲一位沒有黨性的全民總統。
President Lai’s Ten (Partisan) Speeches
By Ross Darrell Feingold
Former Asia Chairman, Republicans Abroad
X: @RossFeingold
Recently on social media, a netizen asked me “Lawyer Feingold, President Lai Ching-te’s comments about “impurities” was mis-spoken or reflects what he feels” (方律師 賴清德總統的雜質說是失言還是真心話?).
As anyone in Taiwan who follows politics knows, on June 24 President Lai, in a speech delivered in Taoyuan, said that "Just like striking iron or forging a sword -- you must keep hammering to drive out all the impurities, until all that's left is an iron will to defend our sovereignty and safeguard our democracy."
President Lai’s controversial words came in the second of ten speeches in the coming weeks that are supposed to cover the topics of the nation, unity, Taiwan's constitutional system, diplomacy, national defense, cross-Taiwan Strait relations, democracy, peace, prosperity, and equal development of the country.
Interestingly, the Presidential Office website press release section has a summary of President Lai’s second speech, but President Lai’s controversial words abou impurities are omitted.
The Presidential Office denied that President Lai’s use of the word “impurities” was a reference to the opposition, and noted that President Lai has previously, in public speeches, made the reference to a sword, including in 2019 in a speech delivered in the United States.
Only President Lai knows whether “impurities” was a reference to the opposition parties, and if what he said is how he actually feels about the opposition parties. However, there several things to keep in mind when analyzing President Lai’s ten speeches.
1. Taiwan’s President is inherently partisan. In many countries, the elected president is merely a ceremonial role, and in some countries such as Singapore, the presidential candidates do not run for president as the nominee of a political party. However, here in Taiwan, the president runs as the nominee of a political party, which makes the president a very partisan office holder. In fact, during Taiwan’s democracy era, the president is often the chairman of their political party, at least until they resign following poor results in elections, as Chen Shui-bian did in 2004, Ma Ying-jeou did in 2014, and Tsai Ing-wen did in 2018 and 2022.
In addition, President Lai, the Presidential Office, and the Executive Yuan have had a contentious relationship with Legislative Yuan in which the two opposition parties, the Chinese Nationalist Party and the Taiwan People’s Party, hold a majority. The two opposition parties have used their majority to block many initiatives of the Lai government.
Of course President Lai dislikes this situation, and will criticize the opposition, including in President Lai’s public speeches.
2. President Lai is also Chairman Lai. As Democratic Progressive Party chairman, Chairman Lai has a responsibility to encourage supporters to vote “yes” in the upcoming recall elections. In his role as Democratic Progressive Party chairman, Chairman Lai has met at least once with Robert Tsao, the leader of a recall effort that targets Chinese Nationalist Party Legislator Hsu Chiao-hsin. In fact, on June 26, Robert Tsao held a press conference in which he urged President Lai to take a more active role in campaigning for success in the recall elections.
The reality is, Lai has a responsibility to lead the Democratic Progressive Party to victory in national and local elections, including in the upcoming recall elections. Thus, any speech made by President Lai has to be viewed as a partisan speech, including criticisms of the opposition parties.
President Lai’s predecessor Tsai Ing-wen enjoyed a Democratic Progressive Party majority in the Legislative Yuan during her two terms are president. However, in the January 2024 elections, President Lai was elected with only 40.05% of the vote, and the Democratic Progressive Party lost ten seats in the Legislative Yuan, denying President Lai a majority in the Legislative Yuan. The recalls are an opportunity for Lai to change this situation. However, based on the Democratic Progressive Party’s poor results in the January 2024 election, President Lai knows he has to work hard to achieve victory in the recall elections on July 26 and the subsequent by-election if a recall is successful.
3. The timing of President Lai’s ten speeches. On June 20, the Central Election Commission announced that 24 Chinese Nationalist Party legislators will face recall elections on July 26. President Lai began his speaking tour on June 22. Does anyone believe the timing of President Lai’s ten speeches, occurring in the weeks before the recall elections, is only a coincidence?
If President Lai’s ten speeches are completely unrelated to the upcoming recall elections, why didn’t President Lai deliver the speeches earlier this year, or wait until after the recall elections on July 26? This question is not meant to criticize President Lai, but is asked to simply reiterate that President Lai’s ten speeches must be viewed as part of his assistance to the recall efforts.
4. Disappointment that the opposition declined the national security briefing. On June 13, the Presidential Office invited Taiwan People’s Party Chairman Huang Kuo-chang and Chinese Nationalist Party Chairman Eric Chu to receive a national security briefing scheduled for June 18. However, on June 17, Huang Kuo-chang announced he would not attend, which was followed hours later by a similar announcement from Eric Chu.
It is understandable that President Lai is angry at the two opposition chairmen who refused what President Lai believed to be an “olive branch”. Given that the subject of the proposed briefing was national security, it comes as no surprise that President Lai would link his use of the word “impurity” to a comment about sovereignty and safeguarding Taiwan’s democracy.
5. Messages for foreigners. The public should also keep in mind that when President Lai criticizes the opposition, whether the Chinese Nationalist Party or the Taiwan People’s Party, part of the motivation is to deliver the message to foreigners that only the Democratic Progressive Party can safeguard Taiwan’s democracy and freedom. Whether the intended audience is foreign media, foreign scholars at think tanks (some of which receive funding from the Taiwan government), or foreign members of national parliaments such as the United States Congress, it is understandable that President Lai wants the portray the opposition in a negative way. Whether it’s with regard to purely domestic issues, or relations with China, or Taiwan’s national defense, President Lai is highly motivated to inform foreigners that Taiwan’s opposition cannot be trusted. It’s up to Taiwan’s two opposition parties to refute this message.
This author would prefer that if voters dislike their legislator, then they would vote against that legislator in the next Legislative Yuan election in January 2028. Recalls are disruptive, costly, and have divided Taiwan’s society over the course of 2025. However, President (and Chairman) Lai appears to be in a good position, with the Chinese Nationalist Party trying to defend 24 seats in the Legislative Yuan. President Lai has declared July "Nation Unity Month", but Perhaps when the recalls are over, President Lai can consider how to be a unifier and less partisan.